The Folk-lore of Plants — A Reader’s Guide
Edition facts
This digital edition of The Folk-lore of Plants — A Reader’s Guide is described by source-level measurements including 80,602 words, 5 hr 51 min estimated reading time, and 8 detected text sections.
The text analysis averages about 27.2 words per sentence, while the detected sections provide another way to judge how the source is divided.
Project Gutenberg metadata also associates the work with “Folklore,” connecting these edition facts with the source record’s subject description.
Calculated from edition completeness, EPUB availability, text structure and catalogue metadata. Not a user rating.
How this score is calculated
- Description quality20 pts
- Title & short description10 pts
- Source metadata20 pts
- Text length15 pts
- Chapters / structure15 pts
- EPUB file integrity20 pts
Total of 100 points, scaled to a 2.5-5.0 range. Editions with an empty description or a missing EPUB file are not scored.
Read the Text
The fact that plants, in common with man and the lower animals, possess the phenomena of life and death, naturally suggested in primitive times the notion of their having a similar kind of existence. In both cases there is a gradual development which is only reached by certain progressive stages of growth, a circumstance which was not without its practical lessons to the early naturalist. This similarity, too, was held all the more striking when it was observed how the life of plants, like that of the higher organisms, was subject to disease, accident, and other hostile influences, and so liable at any moment to be cut off by an untimely end.[1] On this account a personality was ascribed to the products of the vegetable kingdom, survivals of which are still of frequent occurrence at the present day. It was partly this conception which invested trees with that mystic or sacred character whereby they were regarded with a superstitious fear which found expression in sundry acts of sacrifice and worship. According to Mr. Tylor,[2] there is reason to believe that, "the doctrine of the spirits of plants lay deep in the intellectual history of South-east Asia, but was in great measure superseded under Buddhist influence. The Buddhist books show that in the early days of their religion it was matter of controversy whether trees had souls, and therefore whether they might lawfully be injured. Orthodox Buddhism decided against the tree souls, and consequently against the scruple to harm them, declaring trees to have no mind nor sentient principle, though admitting that certain dewas or spirits do reside in the body of trees, and speak from within them." Anyhow, the notion of its being wrong to injure or mutilate a tree for fear of putting it to unnecessary pain was a widespread belief. Thus, the Ojibways imagined that trees had souls, and seldom cut them down, thinking that if they did so they would hear "the wailing of the trees when they suffered in this way."[3] In Sumatra[4] certain trees have special honours paid to them as being the embodiment of the spirits of the woods, and the Fijians[5] believe that "if an animal or a plant die, its soul immediately goes to Bolotoo." The Dayaks of Borneo[6] assert that rice has a living principle or spirit, and hold feasts to retain its soul lest the crops should decay. And the Karens affirm,[7] too, that plants as well as men and animals have their "la" or spirit. The Iroquois acknowledge the existence of spirits in trees and plants, and say that the spirit of corn, the spirit of beans, and the spirit of squashes are supposed to have the forms of three beautiful maidens. According to a tradition current among the Miamis, one year when there was an unusual abundance of corn, the spirit of the corn was very angry because the children had thrown corn-cobs at each other in play, pretending to have suffered serious bodily injury in consequence of their sport[8]. Similarly, when the wind blows the long grass or waving corn, the German peasant will say, "the Grass-wolf," or "the Corn-wolf" is abroad. According to Mr. Ralston, in some places, "the last sheaf of rye is left as a shelter to the _Roggenwolf_ or Rye-wolf during the winter's cold, and in many a summer or autumn festive rite that being is represented by a rustic, who assumes a wolf-like appearance. The corn spirit was, however, often symbolised under a human form."
Thiselton-Dyer opens his 1889 handbook with a striking analogy: plants, like humans and animals, undergo birth, growth, disease, and death—a likeness that early peoples took as evidence of a shared soul. This premise, drawn from Tylor's anthropology, sets the tone for a work that treats folk-belief as a system to be classified, not merely recounted. The author's voice is that of a Victorian compiler: patient, encyclopedic, and fond of Latin binomials. He moves briskly from plant worship to lightning plants, from love-charms to dream-plants, each chapter a tidy cabinet of curiosities. Yet the prose is not dry; it betrays a quiet fascination with the strangeness of the beliefs it records.
A Taxonomy of Superstition
Thiselton-Dyer's method is taxonomic. He divides plant folklore into twenty-three chapters, each devoted to a single category: plant worship, lightning plants, plants in witchcraft, dream-plants, plant proverbs, and so on. The effect is that of a naturalist arranging specimens by genus and species. Within each chapter, he proceeds by enumeration: a paragraph on the mistletoe's sacred status among the Druids, followed by one on the vervain's use in Roman rites, then a note on the rowan's protective powers in Scotland. The reader is given a catalogue, not a narrative. This structure reflects the author's stated aim: to provide 'a brief systematic summary' for those seeking concise information. It also means the book can be opened at any chapter and read as a self-contained essay. The voice remains consistent—measured, authoritative, occasionally wry—but the pace is uniform, rarely lingering on any single belief.
The Weight of Words: Plant Naming as Folk-Thought
The chapter on plant names reveals Thiselton-Dyer at his most observant. He notes how prefixes like 'horse-' often denote coarseness or spuriousness: horse-parsley is a coarse relative of celery; horse-chestnut was once fed to horses for coughs. The dog-prefix, he explains, signals worthlessness—dog-violet lacks fragrance, dog-parsley is poisonous. These etymological patterns, he argues, encode folk judgments about utility and danger. The prose here is dense with examples: 'hart's-tongue' from leaf shape, 'crane's-bill' from seed-vessels, 'capon's-tail' for valerian. Thiselton-Dyer does not merely list; he interprets, drawing on Parkinson and Linnaeus to trace how a plant's name could arise from its use, its resemblance to an animal part, or its perceived value. The section reads like a detective's notebook, connecting linguistic clues to cultural habits.
The Pace of Enumeration
Thiselton-Dyer's prose moves at a steady, unhurried pace, driven by accumulation rather than argument. A typical paragraph begins with a general claim—'Many plant names have animal prefixes'—then proceeds through a string of examples, each introduced by 'thus,' 'as,' or 'for instance.' The rhythm is that of a lecturer turning over note cards. There are few digressions or narrative asides; the author trusts his material to hold interest. This uniform pace can make the book feel encyclopedic, but it also allows the reader to dip in and out. The excerpts show no variation in tempo between chapters on witchcraft and those on plant names—each receives the same methodical treatment. This consistency is a strength for reference, but it means the book rarely builds momentum. The voice remains that of a compiler, not a storyteller, and the reader must supply their own sense of wonder.
Readers approaching The Folk-lore of Plants will find it best used as a reference to be browsed, not a narrative to be consumed straight through. The index and table of contents are essential tools: they allow one to follow a single thread—say, the rowan tree's protective role—across multiple chapters. Thiselton-Dyer's Victorian assumptions about 'primitive' peoples are evident, but his material is rich and his method transparent. For those interested in how folk belief encodes ecological knowledge, social values, and linguistic play, this book remains a valuable, if dated, compendium.
I keep thinking about that old plant book, how it organized whispers of belief into neat rows, like pressed flowers. It reminded me that every tradition carries a root we can’t quite see. That feeling came back reading The Myth of Hiawatha, and Other Oral Legends, Mythologic and Allegoric, of the North American Indians — Background and Themes, where the stories feel equally alive, yet somehow more restless underneath the telling.
There are no reviews for this eBook.
How did this book work for you?
Your answers remain private and are stored only in this browser.